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How Zelenski’s team of TV screenwriters helps his winning message come home | Ukraine

On the 50th day of the Russian invasion, Vladimir Zelensky addressed the Ukrainian people at night. Vladimir Putin confidently expected to take over Ukraine in five days, said Zelensky, standing in front of his neoclassical office building in central Kyiv. Putin is now “making friends with reality,” he added sarcastically, praising the courage and tenacity of his citizens.

There was a mention of the Russian flagship Moscow, which Ukraine claims sank boldly last Wednesday with two deadly Neptune rockets. The warship has become a meme and a symbol of national disobedience since Ukrainian troops stationed on Snake Island in the Black Sea told it to “go and fuck” in the early days of the conflict.

Zelensky avoided the word F. He praised those who “showed that Russian ships can” – a dramatic pause – “go to the bottom of the sea.” He also paid tribute to the men and women who had driven Russian troops from the north, stopped them in the south and heroically defended Mariupol. As usual, he ended his speech with: “Glory to Ukraine” – Glory to Ukraine.

On the battlefield, Ukraine’s fate is mixed. Russian forces were forced to withdraw from the Kyiv region after failing to capture the capital. But they have made significant progress along the Sea of ​​Azov, cutting a land corridor from Crimea to separatist-controlled territory to the east, where a Russian offensive is inevitable.

On the information front, however, Ukraine offered a master class in a statement. Zelenski’s speeches to his people and his addresses to foreign parliaments around the world stimulated international support and strengthened morale at home. They are captivating to watch, not a varnished real-time video blog from Europe’s bloody front line.

Zelenski addresses the deputies in the Chamber of Municipalities. Photo: EyePress News / REX / Shutterstock

The author is a 38-year-old former journalist and political analyst with less than 200 followers on Twitter. In an interview with WhatsApp, Dmitry Litvin told the Observer that the ideas behind the statements came from Zelensky: “The president always knows what he wants to say and how he wants to say it.

He added: “Emotions are the most important thing in speeches. And, of course, the president is the author of the emotions and the logic of the words. ” Other world leaders “can learn how to do it.” In other words, they could emulate Zelensky’s strong combination of candor and emotional strength.

Litvin is part of the president’s internal team. He and his colleagues have lived and worked at Bankova – the Ukrainian equivalent of the White House or Downing Street – since the early days of the invasion. Litvin, a former columnist for the weekly magazine Leviy Bereg, named on the left bank of the Dnieper River, did not want to say more. “I don’t usually comment on this topic,” he said.

Sergei Leshchenko, another former journalist who became Zelensky’s wartime adviser, described Litvin as a literary and artistic assistant: “He collects the president’s ideas every day. He works as a collector of mind or senses. “One day the topic may be the barbarism of Russian soldiers, the next urgent need of Ukraine for protective weapons.

Lytvyn has been in the midst of Ukrainian politics for some time. He was a political analyst for Zelensky’s Servant of the People, Zelensky’s political party, and a fierce opponent of Petro Poroshenko, Zelensky’s predecessor as president. A former colleague said Litvin’s attacks on the country’s leadership since 2014 following the pro-European Maidan uprising have split Ukrainian society. “I’m not a fan. But he is smart “, added the colleague.

House Speaker Nancy Pelosi introduces Zelenski (on screen) to the US Congress. Photo: Scott Applewhite / EPA

Writing on Facebook at the beginning of the war, Lytvyn made some clever points about Putin. “His imagination is bad, so he always reflects something … We have to understand that the objective reality is not controlled by Putin. Western sanctions will not affect him. He seeks isolation. “Putin’s uncompromising goal was to change the state and the” political reality “of Ukraine, he wrote.

Lytvyn’s method certainly works. Surveys show that 95% of Ukrainians believe their country can repel Russia’s invasion, despite Kyiv’s inferiority to tanks, troops and aircraft. And 78% believe that Ukraine is moving in the right direction. Zelenski’s personal ratings, which were depressed in early February, jumped sharply.

Orisia Lutsevich, manager of the Ukrainian forum at the Chatham House think tank, said Zelensky’s previous career as an actor and comedian was key to his success. Viewers were accustomed to seeing him in various roles on television, and therefore managed to accept him as “commander in chief with a T-shirt” – a feat that eludes more conventional politicians.

“They know he can be transformed. “It’s like the Zelensky metamorphosis,” she said. “He is a modern statesman who comes from entertainment. He is in his element. People around him understand the power of storytelling during war. After Bucha’s horrors, it is important to have an exciting story. “The sinking of Moscow is a powerful symbol.”

Lutsevich said Zelensky and his co-authors had created a sense of “historic mission” that linked Ukraine’s current struggle to previous battles against Moscow. They were also well acquainted with pop culture, portraying war as “light versus darkness.” In this Lord of the Rings drama, the Russian soldiers were “orcs” and Putin the invisible Sauron.

Many of Zelenski’s senior advisers come from television and have worked with him in Quarter-95, his production studio. Their attempts to gain global support have been aided by the clear nature of the Russian invasion. Ukraine is the victim. It is fighting for survival. This makes Zelenski the leader of what the political scientist Ivan Krastev calls a “romantic constellation”.

Zelenski addressed the Greek parliament earlier this month. Photo: Costas Baltas / Reuters

Zelenski is calm in front of the camera, whether he is talking on his iPhone or addressing the citizens from his bunker. When he was elected in 2019, he had few specific political ideas. He tried to stand out from his predecessors by giving long press conferences. These days, his interactions are faster. Lutsevich said his daily speeches “resonate well”.

They are also perfectly tailored to a specific audience. Addressing the House of Commons on the 13th day of the invasion, Zelensky likened Ukraine’s struggle against Russia to Britain’s struggle against Hitler. “We will fight to the end, in the sea, in the air. We will continue to fight for our land, no matter what it costs … We will fight in the forests, in the fields, on the shores, in the streets. ”

For the British, Zelensky then referred to Churchill. For the Greek parliament, it was Mariupol, home to many ethnic Greeks, and for the Finns, Molotov cocktails thrown at Soviet invaders. Speaking to Australians, Zelensky quoted MH17, a Malaysia Airlines plane shot down by Russia in 2014. In a conversation with the US Congress, he likened the bombing of Ukraine to Pearl Harbor and 9/11.

Zelenski combines this sublime rhetoric with concrete demands. He called on Ukraine to receive anti-aircraft systems, MiG fighter jets, tanks and armored vehicles. He wants additional sanctions against Moscow, including a full oil embargo. Sometimes he can be rebuked. German President Frank-Walter Steinmeier was told last week not to visit Kyiv because of his close ties to Russia.

Igor Todorov, a professor of international relations at Uzhhorod University in western Ukraine, said Zelensky could be emotional and undiplomatic. His early presidency often resembled Servant of the People, the hit Ukrainian television series in which Zelensky played a history teacher who happened to be president. The war transformed Zelensky, as did Stalin in 1941, he said.

“Zelenski has responded well to the situation,” he said. “Many people who did not vote for him two years ago admit that. He added that President Olena’s wife had a lot to do with his passionate tone and that other people were involved, including Yuri Kostyuk, one of the “Servant of the People” screenwriters.

So Zelensky is Ukraine’s response to Churchill? No, Tordorov said: “It is too much to compare Zelensky with the cult of Winston.” Lutsevich agreed. “Churchill was much more charismatic and ego-driven,” she said. “But Zelenski is quite effective.